Debate on Christianity

Debate on Christianity

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Editor’s Note:

This is the complete text of the debate on Christianity between Jonas De Geer and Greg Johnson in Stockholm on April 18, 2015. De Geer’s opening statement is reprinted from here. Johnson’s is reprinted from here. The rest of the text is a transcript by V.S. from the YouTube video of the debate here.  

Opening Statement by Jonas De Geer

“Is a strong Christian identity a necessary condition for the future cultural and political life of the European peoples?”

I shall for the purpose of this discussion focus on the sociological benefits of Christianity to our societies in general and the nationalist resistance in particular. This is not be understood as though I have a functionalist approach to the Faith or would reduce it to some sort of psycho-political tool.

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The Necessity of Anti-Colonialism

The Necessity of Anti-Colonialism

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Anti-colonialism must be a component of any ideology that attempts to defend rooted identities. It is necessary to oppose the uprooting of peoples in the pursuit of power and wealth. In both its historical imperial form and in its modern financial guise, colonialism has warped both the colonist and colonizer, mixing, diluting, and even annihilating entire cultures and peoples. We know about the negative impact of colonialism on the colonized. However, its consequences for the people of colonial nations are rarely discussed, in order to reinforce a narrative that demonizes European history. 

Unfortunately, many patriotic, average whites feel some sort of pride in their imperial history. They do not realize that they are its victims as well. Hidden from the historical record are the poor and working class whites who served as cannon fodder for the agenda of plutocrats intent on extending their empire of wealth. They were forced to compete against foreign labor, occasionally even against slave labor. Consider how the suffering of thousands of Irish, Scottish, and English people forced to serve as indentured servants–that is, frankly, white slaves–by the British Empire in America has been conveniently erased from public knowledge. How many people know of the struggle of white Australian laborers who stood up to the English colonial power that wanted to undercut their wages with Indian and Chinese immigrants? These facts are hidden from our consciousness by our leaders, the end result being a suicidal support for an exploitative system or a guilt complex that feeds modern neocolonialism in the guise of “human rights” and “progress.”

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Julius Evola: The Mystique of Race in Ancient Rome

The Mystique of Race in Ancient Rome

 

A fresco from the thermopolium of Lucius Vetutius Placidus in the city of Pompeii, depicting the spirit (genius) of the house central, flanked by Lares and Penates with Mercury on far left, Bacchus far right.

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Translated by Cologero

Racialist literature has not failed to emphasize everything that shows the importance attributed to lineage, people, origin, and ancestry in ancient Romanity at that time, and has also conducted research to recover the Aryan or Nordic-Aryan element and type in Romanity and to follow its destiny.

Because of the predominant interests in modern racialism and in the very nature of its development, this research is therefore almost always focused on the basically exterior and subordinate elements: thus it remains on the level of ancient law and custom, on certain aristocratic traditions, on the direct or indirect evidence in respect to a give physical type and, somewhat less often, is conveyed in the field of the most noted and widespread certain cults and myths. It is curious that, as far as we know, it is instead almost systematically neglected a series of sources that, in regard to the higher aspects of the doctrine of race, present a special meaning and are richly documented. The reason for that is in the predominance of the prejudice—which we previously reported in this journal—precisely to consider the whole of what in Roman antiquity had a super-rational and properly traditional character as fantasies, imaginations, superstitions, and finally, as something unserious and negligible. In this way a great part of the ancient Roman world still waits to be explored and this exploration, if conducted possessing the right principles and suitable qualification, is destined to yield valuable results, not just in regards to a spiritual and religious consciousness of the forces of the race.

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Kerry Bolton: Early Reactions to Imperium

Early Reactions to Imperium

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Editor’s Note:

Francis Parker Yockey

Francis Parker Yockey

Kerry Bolton’s ongoing research for a new and definitive biography of Francis Parker Yockey and a complete collection of Yockey’s shorter writings and correspondence continues to turn up new and previously-thought-to-be-lost materials, including issue no. 4 of Yockey’s Frontfighter newsletter, containing one of Yockey’s lost works, which included in the following article.

When Francis Parker Yockey, Anthony Gannon, and Guy Chesham of Union Movement’s overseas liaison office, and over 140 others, departed from Sir Oswald Mosley’s movement in bitter circumstances, Chesham had written to Mosley that Imperium had already been accepted among advanced political thinkers. Imperium did appeal to advanced thinkers. Major Gen. J. F. C. Fuller, father of modern tank warfare, who had been Mosley’s military adviser in the British Union of Fascists; and Captain Basil Liddell Hart, official British military historian of World War I, who had been involved in the pro-Mosley milieu before the war in the June Club, both gave Imperium enthusiastic endorsements. Fuller called Imperium the most prophetic book since Spengler’s Decline of The West. Liddell Hart referred to it as “a work of genius.” Gannon states that Yockey met Fuller and Hart in person and “emerged well from such meetings.”[1]

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Culture And “Engagement” : French and English Perspectives Considered

Culture & “Engagement”:
French & English Perspectives

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Henry Williamson

Henry Williamson

A talk by Adrian Davies to the Traditional Britain Group on October 18th, 2014

This morning I shall talk to you about differing perspectives upon the involvement of artists and writers in politics in France and England. Why France and England? Partly because it is necessary to keep this talk in some bounds, partly because I know a little more about the relationship between high culture and low politics in France than in Germany or Italy or Spain, and will stick to what I know, often a prudent course. 

The Concept of “Engagement”

Jean-Paul Sartre is at first blush an odd choice to cite at a rightist meeting, but on further consideration, he is a strange hero for the left. After 1940, he did not merely accommodate himself to prevailing circumstances, which might be unheroic, but very human, rather he appears thoroughly to have enjoyed himself: “We were never so free as under the occupation.” Not a sentiment that would have endeared him to post-war bien pensant opinion.

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The Bourgeoisie, Protestantism, & The Protocols: The Anti-Democratic Thought of Erik, Ritter von Kuehnelt-Leddihn & Barone Giulio Cesare Evola

The Bourgeoisie, Protestantism, & The Protocols:
The Anti-Democratic Thought of Erik, Ritter von Kuehnelt-Leddihn & Barone Giulio Cesare Evola

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Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn

Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn

Two books published in the early 1950s by two European aristocrats merit careful study by every contemporary European conservative since they express the authentic reactions of authentic noblemen to the revolutionary changes that Europe has for long suffered under the yoke of democracy and totalitarianism. These are Erik, Ritter von Kuehnelt-Leddihn’s Liberty or Equality: The Challenge of Our Time (1952) and Barone Giulio Cesare Evola’s Gli Uomini e le rovine (Men Among the Ruins) (1953). 

Both Evola and Kuehnelt-Leddihn were opposed to democracy for its leveling tendencies which they considered to be a mere transitional stage towards totalitarian systems communist as well as capitalist. However, while Kuehnelt-Leddihn focused on the democratic mania of equality—which he considered incompatible with liberty or true freedom—without clearly attributing this mania to the middle classes, Evola unequivocally identified the bourgeoisie and their innate mercantile nature—which militates against the warrior ethos of the earlier aristocratic societies—as the source of the evils of democracy.

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What Do Identitarians Want?

What Do Identitarians Want?

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As Britons, European-Americans, or native Europeans, we are all instinctively aware that something is deeply wrong with our society. However, the language used to describe this problem is kept within the extremely narrow confines of mainstream conservatism.

For example, most indigenous Britons are interested in “UKIP,” think we should “get out of Europe,” “stop immigration,” “ban the Burqa,” and so on. All literal, objective terminology on matters racial and cultural in the West is now taboo and channeled into ineffectual proxy issues.

This is based on the baby-logic of “because Hitler was a racialist, therefore, all racialism leads to Hitler” and the perpetual distraction of ballot-box populism. So this is a problem. However, within the ideological box of the New Right our philosophy, values, and goals have been developing, and we are developing new terminology to express this. We will fix all of this and more by attacking the root cause of this miasma.

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Frank L. DeSilva: The Metaphysics of Blood & The Future Folk State

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 The Metaphysics of Blood & The Future Folk State

Frank L. DeSilva - Radio 3Fourteen - The Metaphysics of Blood and the Folk-State

Frank L. DeSilva – Radio 3Fourteen – The Metaphysics of Blood and the Folk-State

http://www.redicecreations.com/radio3fourteen/2014/R314-141217.php

Karl Jaspers, the Axial Age, & a Common History for Humanity

Karl Jaspers, the Axial Age, & a Common History for Humanity

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Karl Jaspers, 1883–1969

Karl Jaspers, 1883–1969

From the nineteenth century through the 1960s and ’70s, World History books did recognize the varying accomplishments of all civilizations in the world, but most authors and teachers took for granted the fact that Europeans deserved more attention particularly in view of their irrefutable influence on the rest of the world after their discovery of the Americas, development of modern science and global spread of modern technology.

But this Western-oriented teaching was increasingly rejected by historians who felt that all the peoples of the earth deserved equal attention. A major difficulty confronted this feeling: how can a new history of all humans — “universal” in this respect — be constructed in light of the clear pre-eminence of Europeans in so many fields?

It soon became apparent that the key was to do away with the idea of progress, which had become almost synonymous with the achievements of the West. The political climate was just right, the West was at the center of everything that seemed wrong in the world and in opposition to everything that aspired to be good: the threat of nuclear destruction, the prolonged Vietnam War, the rise of pan-Arabic and pan African identities, the “liberation movements” in Latin America, the Black civil rights riots, the women’s movement.

More than anything, the affluent West was at the center of a world capitalist system wherein the rest of the world seemed to be systematically “underdeveloped” at the expense of the very “progression” of the West. Millions of students were being taught that the capitalist West, in the words of Karl Marx, had progressed to become master of the world “dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt.”

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Race & the Myth of the Origins of Rome

Race & the Myth of the Origins of Rome

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Translated by Cologero

In his Life of Romulus (I,8), Plutarch writes:Romulus-Remus-260x146

Rome would not have risen to such power had it not had, in any way, a divine origin, such as to offer to the eyes of men something great and inexplicable.

Cicero repeats the same thing (Nat. Deor. II,3,8) then going on to consider (Har. Resp., IX, 19) the Roman civilization as that which through sacred knowledge surpassed every other people or nation: omnes gentes nationesque superavivums. For the ancient Romans, Sallust has the expression religiosissimi mortales [the most religious mortals].

On the other hand, in our day all of that is fantasy or superstition for many “serious” persons and many “critical” minds. The “facts” are the only things that count for them. The mythical traditions of the ancients have no value, or they have it only insofar as it is supposed that, here and there, they are confused reflections of real events, that is to say, tangibly historical. There is, in that, a fundamental misunderstanding that was already denounced, to a certain degree by our Giambattista Vico, then by Schelling, still more recently by Bachofen and, finally, by the most recent school of the metaphysical interpretation of myth, and by those little known today (Guénon, W. R. Otto, Altheim, Kerényi, etc.). According to all these writers, the mystical traditions are neither arbitrary creations more or less on the poetic and fantastic plane, nor deformations and transpositions of historical elements. Especially in regard to origins, it was correctly pointed out that symbols and legends,

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